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On November 18, 1978 over 900 persons died in Jonestown, Guyana. For twenty years a small group of people have attempted to make the name Jonestown synonymous with Auschwitz. The tragedy of Jonestown is not diminished in the slightest by declaring this to be an inappropriate analogy. Indeed, this linking of one of the most horrible events of the 20th--the systematic annihiliation of Jews--with the tragedy in Guyana presumes that all there is to know about Jonestown is already known. The model of psychopathology and criminality that informs this perspective is most likely wrong and, further, it discourages inquiry that might advance our understanding of this terrible event. It also invites bigotry of the highest order against all new religious movements.On the occasion of this 20th anniversary, three new documents of considerable significance have been added to this page:
- A petition to the Congressional House Committee on International Relations asking for the declassification of important Jonestown documents. The Petition is important because it calls attention to the unfinished business of seeking a clearer understanding of what really happened in Jonestown. The failure of the government to declassify materials thwarts these efforts and also feeds fuel to conspiracy theories.
- New Information on Jonestown is found on an important new web site that presents over a hundred original source documents previously unavailable. Using the Freedom of Information Act, Brian Csuk obtained more than 6,000 pages of declassified materials. Over 100 of these documents are now available on his web page and additional documents are being added; and
- A new book by Laurie Efrein Kahalas, a survivor of the Jonestown tragedy. Snake Dance: Unravelling the Mysteries of Jonestown offers an alternative perspective that is not easily incorporated into the conventional wisdom about Jonestown. It deserves serious reading if for no other reason than the fact that it is the first account by a survivor. It also calls attention to the need to declassify documents. We present here an Open Letter from Ms Kahalas inviting scholars, activists and persons concerned with religious freedom to consider new information presented in her book, and a Chronology prepared by Ms Kahalas of important events dating from 1973 on the life and death of People's Temple.
Also on this page, you will find a Profile of Peoples Temple, a Summary of Beliefs, Links to Internet Resources, and a Print Bibliography, all standard features on the Religious Movement Profiles. The Profile Page was researched and prepared by Tobin Dickerson, an undergraduate student at the University of Virginia. You are invited to direct comments to him (mail box below), or to me at Jeffrey K. Hadden , Department of Sociology, University of Virginia.
| Petition |Documents | Open Letter | Jonestown Chronology,|
James Warren Jones was born of lowly origins in Indiana at the height of the Great Depression. It is speculated that his father belonged to the Ku Klux Klan. Jim's mother, Lynetta, who effectively raised her son alone, had large influences on the theology he formed upon becoming the leader of the Peoples Temple. Jones was also influenced heavily by a Pentecostal woman who lived near him as a child; this influence would have a lasting impact on his understanding of religion as an intensely emotional experience. His mother was also very skeptical of organized religion and the idea of a "sky god," but she did have a firm belief in spirits, and instilled this belief in her son (Hall, Gone 6). What emerged from these influences was a self-styled theology that combined aspects of Pentecostalism with social idealism, which Jones had gained from reading socialist and communist documents.
The formation of the Peoples Temple occurred in a similar manner as many sectarian religions throughout history. In September of 1954, Jones was given an invitation to preach at the Laurel Street Tabernacle in Indianapolis, an Assemblies of God Pentecostal church (Hall, Gone 42). As a result of Jones' sermon, and the inability of the church board to meet Jones' racial requirements for the congregation, several members of the Tabernacle left with Jones to form a new church. On April 4, 1955 the Wings of Deliverance was formed and was renamed the Peoples Temple to more adequately describe their congregation. (Hall, Gone 43). It is important to note that for this time period, the congregation was one of few interracial congregations in the state, and Jones made the campaign for racial integration one of his primary causes.
In 1960, the Peoples Temple was officially made a member of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) denomination in Indianapolis and Jones was ordained as a minister, despite lacking any formal theological training (Hall, Gone 52). The Disciples were known as a liberal Protestant denomination far removed from Pentecostalism. As a result of this association, Jones acquired a mainstream denomination to support his Temple, while still retaining the congregational autonomy he desired. After this affiliation, the church became known as the Peoples Temple Christian Church. At this same time, the congregation of the Peoples Temple was roughly 20% African American, a figure which drew attention to the Temple in the city of Indianapolis.
In 1965, after many threats directed at himself and the Peoples Temple, as well as conflicts with the general public over the radical theology, Jones moved the Temple to Ukiah, California to find a location where racial equality could grow unhindered. Additionally, Jones determined this area to be a "safe zone" in the event of a thermonuclear war (Levi 39). Seventy families, half African American and half Caucasian, moved to California to follow Jones (Hall, Gone 62).
In the early years on the West Coast, Jones began to recruit more affluent members to complement the large number of working class families who were previously Peoples Temple members. Several key members who played huge influential roles in the Peoples Temple were recruited during this time period, including Timothy Stoen, Carolyn Layton, and Elmer and Deanna Mertle.
Until the mid-1970's, the Peoples Temple grew steadily and Jones continued to preach his unique theology to his followers. Also, in 1972, the Temple expanded to include a second congregation in San Francisco. (Committee on Foreign Affairs 16; Layton and Yee 155) However, within San Francisco, a struggle was developing between conservatives and liberals for political power. This struggle eventually focused attention on the Peoples Temple, causing an "expose" that destroyed the public image of the Temple.
In 1974, the Peoples Temple acquired a lease from the Guyanese government for a tract of land within the jungle for the use of colonization. The choice of country was important to Jones because Guyana was one of few countries in which a socialist regime enjoyed the support of the United States government. The Peoples Temple Agricultural Mission was founded, and grew slowly at first, only housing approximately fifty people in 1977 (Hall, Gone 194).
In 1977, the Temple came under scrutiny from the Internal Revenue Service
for illegal practices and tax evasion due to generated revenue from the
numerous elderly care homes that were maintained throughout their history.
Following his earlier practices in Indiana when trouble arose, Jones decided
to move his Temple. Under the premise that he wanted his people to
escape public criticism and further their own causes, Jones began to urge,
but not force, Peoples Temple members to relocate to Jonestown, Guyana.
The events which occurred following the migration to Jonestown, including
the visit of Congressman Ryan and the mass suicides following his assassination,
as well as a sociological analysis of these events can be found below in
section II.
As is common in many religious groups throughout their lifetimes, the Peoples Temple members came and went from its ranks. In the case of the Peoples Temple, many of the people who eventually did leave were members of the upper echelon of Temple leadership. Among these "defectors" was Tim Stoen, the Temple attorney and right-hand man to Jones. Along with other defectors, Stoen helped the Concerned Relatives, a group whose primary purpose became to destroy the public opinion regarding the Temple as well as the Temple itself. The Concerned Relatives alleged that in Jonestown the atmosphere was similar to a concentration camp. They also alleged that Jones helped to brainwash the individuals who migrated to Guyana and held them there against their will (Moore, Letters 246). The main battle centered around the custody of Stoen's child, John Victor Stoen, whose parentage was questioned (Reston, Jr. 207). It was unknown if his father was Tim Stoen, as was printed on his birth certificate, or Jones, as was written upon a document signed by Tim Stoen during the California days of the Temple (Moore, Letters 239). Much of the firepower of the Concerned Relatives was enhanced by affidavits signed by former Temple members Deborah Blakley and Yolanda Crawford. After much talk with Washington officials, the Concerned Relatives finally found a voice in Congress through California Congressman Leo Ryan.
In an attempt to determine which of the two sides involved were telling the truth, Ryan planned a trip to Guyana. Although he represented the Concerned Relatives, Ryan claimed his primary reason for flying to Guyana was a fact-finding mission. Along with several members of the Concerned Relatives, including Tim Stoen, and a small group of media representatives, Ryan departed for Jonestown, Guyana on November 14, 1978 (Hall, Gone 262). After much discussion within the Temple leadership, Ryan and his party were allowed to enter the compound to interview members, as well as to seek out the alleged people being held against their will. Jones told Ryan that anyone who wished to leave Jonestown was welcome to do so. By the end of his first day in Jonestown, Ryan assembled a group of sixteen Peoples Temple members who wished to leave with him for the United States (Moore, Sympathetic 325).
The following day, November 18, 1978, Ryan continued his task of interviewing the residents of Jonestown. Later that afternoon, a Temple member named Don Sly, the former husband of a Concerned Relative, attempted to kill Congressman Ryan by cutting his throat (Moore, Sympathetic 325). As a result, Congressman Ryan shortened his visit to Jonestown and planned to leave immediately. He assembled his group which made their way in a dump truck to the jungle airstrip where two planes awaited them to depart for the United States. But, as the group was boarding the planes, the dump truck quickly returned with Temple guards who proceeded to open fire on the Congressman and his party. Among the dead from this ambush were Congressman Ryan, three members of the media who had accompanied him, and one Temple member who had wished to leave Jonestown.
Back inside Jonestown, all of the residents assembled in one building for what they thought would be an announcement by Jones regarding the success of the Congressman's visit. Instead, Jones made the proclamation that the time for the end had come for the people of Jonestown. Jones said the outside world had forced them to this extreme situation, and that "revolutionary suicide" had become their best option. Dissent was present from one woman, but this was quickly suppressed (Moore, Sympathetic 330-331; Layton and Yee 307-308). A large vat of purple Fla-Vor-Aid, mixed with lethal potassium cyanide as well as a variety of sedatives and tranquilizers including Valium, Penegram, and chloral hydrate was brought out and the people were organized into lines. First to drink were the infants and children, and many mothers poured the poison down their child's throat (Hall, Gone 285). Jones did not drink the poison, but instead, appears to have shot himself in the right temple. In the end, the final body count was 914 people dead, 276 of these being children.
Although the mass suicide is clearly a tragedy of great proportion, a more analytical perspective is necessary to understand why this catastrophe transpired. A cursory examination of the events surrounding the Peoples Temple and Jonestown yields the conclusion that Jones, being utterly deranged, participated in a brainwashing practice and manipulated not only the thoughts, but also the actions of his followers. This analysis is readily found throughout the literature both in print and electronic form (see Links below). But upon a deeper analysis, it is discovered that this conclusion does not support the facts surrounding the incident.
Due to society's stance regarding new religious movements, this conclusion can easily be drawn from the data surrounding Jonestown. According to sociological definitions, a cult is defined as a group which has views in contradiction to that of society, and is created through either radical innovation, importation, or invention. Since the theology used by Jones was of his own invention, the Peoples Temple is readily classified as a cult. In our society, cults are viewed with high disdain, solely because of their differing views and lack of members.
In an article written by Doyle Johnson in Sociological Analysis, the theory of the charismatic leader is presented to describe how Jones consolidated and enhanced his power as the leader of the People's Temple. The strategy of these leaders is to make the members of their respective groups as dependent as possible upon them for social, emotional, or material needs (Johnson 316). Jones accomplished this by his socialistic ideas embedded in his theology. Peoples Temple members depended on Jones for all of the aforementioned needs. He provided them with a sense of community, free meals, and literally a roof over their heads. Many of the people were recruited from the lower levels of society, and could not provide these needs without Jones' intervention. The ultimate goal of a charismatic leader is to reinforce his position of power and to overcome the inherent precariousness of this power.
Other strategies given by Johnson of the charismatic leader included the following (Johnson 322):
Jones used all of these strategies throughout the lifetime of the Peoples Temple. Dependency relationships were developed by the Peoples Temple members through the use of communal living. As is popular in many new religious movements, Jones asked that all previous ties to family and friends be severed. This practice was especially prevalent after the migration to Guyana. Authority was delegated throughout the hierarchy of the Temple. For example, the title of financial secretary was bestowed upon Deborah Blakley (see Blakley affidavit). Organizational growth was promoted through the expansions to San Francisco and Los Angeles. Political leader contacts were established by the Temple in the 1976 San Francisco mayoral election of George Moscone (Hall, Gone 168). An isolated environment was obviously sought in the creation of the Agricultural Mission in Guyana. The ideology of the group was developed throughout its lifetime, with its deep roots in socialist and communist theories. Rituals such as the the "White Nights" (see section III) were developed by Jones which, although serving as a loyalty test as well, helped to symbolize the commitment the members had made to the Peoples Temple. Although the preceding practices serve to strengthen the position of the charismatic leader, they inevitably undermine his position by creating resentment within the ranks of the group. A prime example of this resentment as created in the Peoples Temple is the defection of Timothy Stoen. The "second highest ranking" man in the Peoples Temple left as a result of his displeasure with Jones' practices to become one of its strongest opponents.
In the Peoples Temple, many of the people involved completely surrendered their lives to the causes supported by the Temple, especially those who packed up and left the United States for the compound in Guyana. As is discussed later in this page, Jones had extensive screening procedures built into the Temple admission policy such that those who received the status of true "members" accepted all of his philosophy without objection. In their minds, this philosophy was entirely correct and without infringements upon their morals. Thus, there was no brainwashing involved in his teachings. Temple members also believed they were working for a united cause, not for Jones himself. He was simply their leader and motivator. He served as their pastor, guiding and explaining the theology, yet the belief was the members' own. They committed suicide for the greater cause, not because Jim Jones instructed them to. Proven by the lack of opposition to the idea of "revolutionary suicide" as proposed by Jones.
Another key question to address is how these people were lead to believe in Jones and his theology. As is most apparent, the people were secluded in Guyana, far away from other worldly influences. Jones was rarely seen, his presence was felt mostly through the compound's P.A. system. To many of his followers, he easily could have appeared to be a near God-like figure who was nothing more than a disembodied voice. Also, through Jones' use of socialist theories in his theology, personal autonomy was essentially non-existent within Jonestown. Thus, those who wanted to leave felt severe peer pressure to stay, struggle, and survive with their fellow Temple members. There was a feeling of both physical and emotional weakness placed in potential "defectors." Members who were questioning their role within the Temple witnessed other members who were also making large sacrifices for the common goal, causing them to reevaluate their original reasons for questioning the Temple. This reinforcement of the socialist ideals helped to stifle members who thought they should leave the Peoples Temple.
A popular culture idea of the Jonestown incident is that it is part of a larger conspiracy being hidden from the public. There is a large amount of information available, both in print and electronic forms, regarding these conspiracy theories. They range from Jim Jones being a rogue C.I.A. agent involved in a mind control experiment unbeknownst to his followers, to the notion that the United States government killed all of the inhabitants of Jonestown because they could not tolerate the success of Jonestown. This theory contends that Jonestown is an example of what people can accomplish when they break free of capitalism. None of these theories are considered here because to date, no theory has shown evidence beyond speculation.
Much of the religion that Jim Jones initially practiced was borrowed from the Pentecostal movement, and yet given his own flair. Jones practiced the ability to "discern spirits" or knowing the thoughts of others (Reston, Jr. 38). Additionally, faith healing was an important part of the theology established within the Peoples Temple. Although Jones later admitted that this was solely a tactic of deception in order to establish faith among his followers, many members of the Peoples Temple believed Jones had the power to heal them with just the touch of his hand (Reston, Jr. 39). Jones claimed the ability to see the future, but this was also simply another plot to establish control over his followers. A common belief of the Pentecostal movement proclaims the Second Coming of Christ is imminent. Changing this idea to fit his needs, Jones proclaimed himself to be the Second Coming of Christ.
In California, as the members of the Temple lived in a communal society, the Communist ideals Jones blended into his theology emerged. All income, as well as real estate, insurance policies, and other items of value were given to the Temple to be liquidated and redistributed equally among the members. To maintain the Temple, a series of care homes were established and run by Temple members, as well as traditional mass mailing schemes (Levi xii). Although criticism of the Peoples Temple existed, the membership steadily grew. At this point Jones fully displayed what could be considered anti-religion ideals which he possessed. He claimed the Bible was filled with lies and contradictions.
Most of society considered many of the practices of the Peoples Temple bizarre. One such practice included the series of measures taken by the Temple hierarchy to progressively indoctrinate new members. People who showed interest in the Temple were screened, and indoctrinated into progressively more diverse and less religious views as they proved loyalty to "the Cause." This progressive exposure to the ideals and theology of the Temple effectively created a loyal following for Jones. As a result of this loyalty, Temple members commonly signed documents stating they had partaken in any number of acts ranging from child abuse to homosexual tendencies (Committee on Foreign Affairs 18).
Another practice of the Temple was that of Catharsis. Although this practice was mostly eliminated after the migration to Jonestown, it was used while the Temple was active and growing in California. Catharsis involved the idea of public punishment for transgressions (Committee on Foreign Affairs 17). A child was not found guilty or punished by their parents, but instead, the congregation voted, deciding the child's innocence or guilt. Frequently the punishment for a child was a severe and brutal spanking administered by Jones. Adults who sinned were punished by being placed in a ring and forced to "box" with bigger and stronger Temple members. These Catharsis sessions, seen by the Temple members as for the betterment of the group as a whole, were practiced regularly without objections.
Jones' personal infidelity impacted the belief structure of the Temple. Jones strived to implement a classless social structure through communal living and frequently encouraged extramarital affairs. These, in turn, helped to undermine individual autonomy and enhance the communal feeling Temple members shared. Jones reportedly took on partners of both sexes, yet ironically frequently proclaimed himself to be the only true heterosexual (Hall, Gone 112).
Once at Jonestown, Rev. Jones began using illegal drugs. Jones sometimes flew into rages, only to calm down moments later. He also had trouble speaking at times (Moore, Letters 251). Occasionally, he appeared delusional and rambled on for hours on the loud speakers of the complex well into the night. These harangues prevented the residents of Jonestown from getting any appreciable amount of sleep. Through these loud speakers, the residents of Jonestown heard about the outside world. Jones read the news to his followers, but made sure the slant with which he read the news was very clearly to the far left. Jones frequently "portrayed the United States as beset by racial and economic problems" that his followers had escaped by coming to Jonestown (Hall, Gone 237). The compound was guarded by armed guards who, although thought to be present to fend off a mercenary invasion, were also instructed to prevent Jonestown residents from leaving the complex. Over time, this fact became understood and accepted by residents of the complex.
A final key portion of the Peoples Temple theology was "Revolutionary Suicide." Jones tested the loyalty of his followers by telling them a liquid contained poison and asked them to drink it for "the Cause." Through this type of test, Jones was able to gauge the level of his followers' commitment to his ideals and theology (Hall, Gone 246). Jones read the work of Black Panther Huey Newton and painted a frightening picture of the future to his followers. Jones proclaimed there was an imminent apocalypse within the United States which would cause race and class wars, concentration camps, and genocide. He said that people who shared in his vision must be able to make the ultimate sacrifice in order to continue "the Cause."
What Jones termed as "White Nights" became a common practice in Jonestown as Jones descended further into his own delusional belief structure. The entire population of the compound, awakened to the sound of sirens, were told to prepare for an imminent attack by mercenaries (see Blakley affidavit). The Peoples Temple members were told that they were being persecuted by a variety of sources for their beliefs and that possibly, the ultimate sacrifice needed to be made for the greater good. On one of these drills, Jones told his followers the end was near and that it was time for them to commit suicide for their beliefs. All members of the Temple were instructed to drink what was touted as a poison liquid and they all expected to die very quickly. But, the time of their expected deaths came and passed. Jones used this event as a test of the loyalty of his followers for "the Cause." Thus, with repeated incidents such as this, Jones was able to desensitize his followers regarding mass suicide (Levi 78).
The Jonestown Report
This is a new segment of Rebecca Moore's page. It provides an excellent summary pf the state of current research on Jonestown.
http://www-rohan.sdsu.edu/~remoore/jonestown/jtreport.html
Jonestown.com
This is the homepage of Laurie Efrein Kahalas, a People's Temple survivor. In her book SNAKE DANCE: Unravelling the Mysteries of Jonestown, Kahalas lays out a case that most have found hard to believe, but she keeps searching out new evidence and keeps crying out for someone to take
her seriously.
http://www.jonestown.com/
Primary Source Materials on the
Jonestown, Guyana Tragedy
This is a extremely valuable collection of over a hundred primary source documents selected
from among over six thousand pages of material obtained from the State Department through the
Freedom of Information Act plus selections for the House of Representatives report on Jonestown.
A large proportion of the materials appear as jpgs so one is reading original source materials.
Recommended for scholars and for students who want to do serious research papers on Jonestown.
Washington
Post Chronology Web Site
This site is part of a larger site describing "Cult Controversies"
over the past three or four decades. Contained here are three articles
about Jonestown, two from 1978, and one from 1988 describing survivors,
conditions at Jonestown, and the events which occurred there.
http://wp4.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/national/longterm/cult/people/people1.htm
Jonestown Suicide Shocked
the World
Two articles from Associated Press reports recalling the events that occurred at
Jonestown. Also included is a listing of other mass suicides and cult-related deaths
within the past twenty years.
http://www.thecore.com/~funhouse/jonestown.html
Doomsday, Destructive
Religious Cults
A general description of Doomsday Cults, of which the Peoples Temple is considered to be one. Included is only a very brief history of the Peoples Temple and the Jonestown suicides. Here, it is suspected that the suicides were the result of the fear of retribution by the United States government.
http://www.religioustolerance.org/destruct.htm
Jonestown:
Examining the Peoples Temple
This site is an analysis of the Jonestown incident and Jim Jones as
a product of the society and culture from which he arose. Included
are a brief history and timeline of the group. The rest of the site
focuses on addressing why events occurred.
http://www.owlnet.rice.edu/~reli291/Jonestown/Jonestown.html
Jim Jones
and the Peoples Temple
A analysis of Jones, his theology, the Peoples Temple, and the mass
suicides at Jonestown. The approach though, is that Jones was almost
an Anti-Christ figure. The conclusions made are intended to be used
to prevent such "accidents" such as Jonestown from occurring.
http://student.uq.edu.au/~py101663/miscbb/jones.htm
Created by Tobin Dickerson
For Soc 257: New Religious Movements
University of Virginia
Spring Term, 1998
Last modified 07/16/01